Not only "grey-blue"

Westerwalder Stoneware as Seismograph of a Historical-Regional Folklore.

"The Westerwald is high mountains between Rhine, Lahn and Sieg, on which one does not see anything as sky, puddles and large stones." (W. H. Riehl)

The can baker country (Kannenbäckerland) with its 'grey blue' stoneware is one of the most well-known ceramic(s) landscapes at all, it lies in the Westerwald. Economic celebrity as clay services for restaurants begins in the seventeenth century, with the high-quality Renaissance containers manufactured here and from the likewise considerable clay occurrences in this area. In all the world the Rheinish stoneware containers are respected.

From the work with the clay settlements developed that are with us today: Furnace setters, fitter and machine-builders, plant electricians, forest workers, miners, forwarding agents and also packing companies take their origin in ceramic(s) production just like pharmaceutical ware and serving plates. It can be stated that the interactions of the trades in ceramics are everywhere. There are forwarding businesses, industry and motorways. But the forwarding businesses go back to the clay cart-loads, the European-wide selling of serving plates for the catering trade go back to the can baker table-ware trade of the family Sahm. All that is documented historically and highly detailed, thus provable. The work, the acquisition of living costs, the behavior of the families was shaped by the only considerable implicit basis of contracts of this area, the clay - and which was to be arranged from it. Ceramic(s) here understood as inheritance of life-giving traces.

 

MIGRATION, SOLIDARITY, INNOVATION

Terms are to be tested: among other things solidarity, migration and innovation. These three behavior forms are based on creativity and manpower. Humans had to hold together with the Ergraben of the clay in the bell pit, with the sales of ceramic(s) over country, during the immigration into this them strange environment, in addition, with the penetration of innovations or the common emigration, approximately after Betschdorf.

Solidarity could be learned also when burning. If the occasionally communally-used furnace was filled with the pottery, the furnace was bricked and heated slowly. Work, which took for several family businesses stood on the play. For firing they used book wood, which guaranteed for the reaching of the firing temperature of approximately 1200-1300 degrees Celsius. The long time of cooling down the furnace was bridged with the baking of potatoes, with narrations and the sharing of jokes.

Ceramic(s) interests here as a historical document in the context of other historical documents, not in the form of art-historical or strange object (for instance the collecting passion), but as the validity of the people and communities. So also ' style ' and ' epoch ' of ceramic production are to be understood not as a sign of an organization will, but as seismograph of changed living conditions - approximately for the changing feelings of humans at that time. The documents give emotions usually as indignation against the authority to price - or as controversy in the community of the occupation colleagues.

From territorial history and guild history fast topics grow like fiscal charges - thus that eternal argument of the craftsmen with the authority. Tariff was paid at roads. What does this have to do with ceramic(s)? Both the clay and the ceramic products were transported - roads were to maintained - and the goods had to be declared. Which ceramic(s) did it concern? How and from whom it became manufactured? Only did men work in the ceramic(s) enterprises or also women, children and old persons? We already are with the large topics of the human development, which place themselves to all generations: Love, family, age - emergency, bread, death.

Innovation, solidarity and migration were also behaviors, which came to impact the members of the community, which was coined/shaped by poverty and a certain separated-ness. This strengthened by two hostile religions in neighboring proximity. The negative and positive sides of such a behavior in forced solidarity is to be felt here even today.

The Westerwald is limited in the west by the Rhine, in the south by the Lahn, in the north by the Sieg and in the east by the Dill. The front (or also lower Westerwald, the can baker country) is a high surface between Lahn delta and the valley Neuwieder of the basin. The common land (village common possession) was not divided, the population was to blame for themselves due to the material division. Because beleihbarer possession, which threw off naturally to small yields, represented a seduction constant in the emergency for indebtedness. The old trade route followed the edge of the can baker country, mainly because of the many castles on the Rhine. In this way the salt necessary for the glaze came into the country. Also the transport of goods from the area was secured. The route was busy, the hochebene was hardly passably, the way past at the Hoehrer loch after Vallendar was unsuitable. Nevertheless the intersection of the Rhine and Mosel could be reached. Road construction suffered from a splintering of the territorial rule. The Principality of Wied Neuwied stood as Evangelist and enlightened principality against the ruling families Isenburg Grenzau, Kurtrier, Sayn Wittgenstein, Metternich and Saxonia.

Cologne religion unrests, the Spanish succession war, the 30 year war and finally the French wars of liberation disturbed the different ceramic(s) economic situations – while at the same time promoting them.

"As consequence of the exchanges of territory by Napoleon Bonaparte, the principality Trier 1802 was secularized and the offices Grenzhausen and Montabaur fell to the duchy Nassau." (Kuegler 1980, 32). Wood and salt were limited in the good konjunkturphasen. As strong wood competitors 19 stepped at the beginning. For centuries the hop growing (already occupies for 17. Century) and the iron smelting are also featured.

It would be interesting to see how the lines of development of the social structure of the can baker country are to be reconstructed. How could solidarity and democracy be learned here? For whom did that disburse itself? Ceramic(s) is one of the keys in this region. At it, seismographically, the transformations of the region can be shown.

"Around 1200 clay table ware was already manufactured clay table-ware in Eschelbach, Horressen and Bannberscheid. These three municipalities had to supply [... ] as payment [... ] for ore to Trier 600 and/or 300 earthen dishes each." (Riehl 1869, 212 - see Schmidt Nicolai 1968, 9). Ceramic(s) had tradition as restaurant economics already, when beginning in 1586 an immigration wave reaches the area. The names of the region by the way changed. The homeland researcher Heyn (1893) spoke only of the lower one and upper one (also: Front one and rear one) Westerwald. The can baker country did not occur with it. In a 1783 (and/or 1796) survey emerged the designation “can baker country” for the first time. The survey occupied itself with the predatory exploitation at the wood. The kilns devoured much expensive wood and still much more expensive salt.

"The Westerwaelder is rural and conservative, but not actually putridly." Thus it means in a chronicle, which is somewhat openly quoted in the essay ' economics, Hausiergewerbe, Landgaengerei and slave trade on the Westerwald '. (Poeller Salzmann 1975, 14) the food consists of potatoes, bean soup, thick milk, porridge. One is suspicious, distrustfully, up-merrily, roughly. The Westerwaelder is undemanding and stingy, meat is provided only on Sundays. The food habits did not only change - owing to different immigration waves.

In the can baker country relationship systems and/or family of clan prevailed (and prevail still). Who breaks a directory open today in the Westerwald or a cemetery visited, encounters recurring names, which do not originate from the Westerwald: Remy, Schwaderlapp, Knoedgen, Letschert, Mennicken (Menningen), Merkelbach, Stroeder, Zoeller, Hanke, Blum (immigration 1632), Kalb (after 1933 changed in Kilburg), Korzilius, etc..

Migration, solidarity and innovation are in the can baker country on the closest verwoben: Conservatively, one worked on found or bring along material with new technology. A composite view of the Westerwaelder ceramic(s) obligated, one must be see the folklore along with enamel, glass and plastics. Who speaks of the sunbeam, which seems to point to the clay pot, that must itself with the material division, to which , employ casual labor in the pumice of Neuwieder and also with the fact that there were work customs, which point to the control of the laborers and the strangers, gives us today a reflection of the social feelings of humans at that time gives. In addition it requires a more detailed examination.

1586 immigrated the catholic potter Anno Knuetgen of Siegburg to the catholic Hoehr, its son Bertram moved after Grenzau. In the same year Jakob Remy came from Ivoy into Lothringen to Grenzhausen, there was the first Evangelist. 1591 is to have written it a first guild order. 1605 and 1600 come those of Kalb and the Willems of Raeren. 1595 arrive Johann Mennicken from Raeren, it settle first in Grenzau, 1600 in Grenzhausen. "Confessional contrasts arranged to move the immigrated Potter families Kalb and Mennicken 1598 from Grenzau to Grenzhausen." (Buechel 1965, 20)

The immigrant families were called "Kraus (s) EN or Krossenbaecker, the native potters against it jug or can bakers." (Kuegler 1980, 3) this separation was determined by the authority (thus of Kurtrier, Wied and Sayn). The designation ' ruffle ' applied since the end 14. Century to in 17. Century and is probably taken to a cup form according to kind of a purse. (report of Uwe Finke; see Reineking of support, 1978; Dexel 1980, 182)

The restrictions of the freedom of religion after the Augsburger religious freedom (1555) brought problems with itself. "  After the reform there were no more Catholics, according to which principle, who governs in Mogendorf, determines the religion of its subjects." (Baaden 1985, 235)

The marriage behavior, coined/shaped by the material division and the guild affiliation, is favored by further immigrations. The destruction of Siegburg in 1632 led again to immigrations. "The can baker handicraft remained in the hand of some fewer families, their descendant married preferentially among themselves thus in the long term."

(Kuegler 1980, 49, see also Baaden 1981, 5)

 

GUILD

One of the most usual guild definitions formulated William Wernet. "the guild was a partnership, which worked as interest and a combat force commercially active, when adjustment federation standardized and secured the liberties, rights and advantages of its members, when corporation in the service of the city regiment guaranteed the fulfillment of the civil obligations of its members, in limited autonomy economic functions exercised and as fraternities voluntarily taken over religious informal and civil tasks accomplished." (Wernet 1965, 49)  The guild organization served before everything else, the well-being of the masters. That was done via legal order. One of these quite-light ways was the one restriction of entrance into the guilds. (see Kuntz/Bickel 1994)

In some points this picture is unbalanced. It refers to the city guilds. One accepted for a long time, the land handicraft was guild-free. That turned out as wrong, how the pottery guild of the can baker country proves among other things. The fact that the religious, civil and social tasks of the guild were voluntarily taken over cannot be said. The expression ' it puts the handicraft ' shows that the membership happened obligatorily, which could issue corporation also a practice of the profession prohibition. A threat with the professional disqualification because of bad acting (buyer privilege) accepts Uwe Finke (Sammlung valley) for the migration of the family Knoetgen 1586 from Siegburg to Hoehr. (Persl. Mittlg. 1996)

Buechel describes the total guild: "considered the total guild agreed upon by the Eulern of these places 1643 in their condition and organization the traditional regulations of the individual potter’s order. It was led by (selected, the places connected) a board of directors, consisting of seven guild masters and an executive official and had its seat in Hoehr. The strict guild order regulated the acquisition of the raw products clay and wood, production and distribution of the clay goods, the training of the new generation as well as the widow welfare service." (Buechel 1965, 100) the first guild order of the Westerwaldes originates from the year 1643, their guild coat of arms ' describes ' the territorial ' many commonwealth of nations ' and the religious next to each other.

The establishment of guild goes back clearly to the immigrants, because before 1591 the potters were not organized or centralized as can be prove "". (Kuegler 1980, 3) 1586 had immigrated from Siegburg Anno Knuetgen (Knotgen). Due to Cologne religion confusions marauding troops had entered into Siegburg and the Aulgasse (Potter’s alley before the brickworks).

Further families followed from other cities. The argument between the gentleman workers and the native farmer workers lasted not for a long time. already 1603 were confirmed by a document to 1609 in Hoehr the native right in Vallendar and then to also make ' Siegburger table-ware '. That does not say actually much. The Siegburger table-ware was grey (not grey-blue, as in Raeren). 1611 give it a complaint and it are to assume that - so Kuegler - that the production ranges sanded themselves, already in the 40's (starting from 1640). ' grey-blue ', with smalte (Tonschlicker with farboxid) paints and salt-glazes, interspersed themselves. As custom work for noble and wealthy customers it was richly decorated with engraving and edition flourish.

In 1643 the guild order was issued. In it nothing stood from a separation in gentleman and farmer work. 1632 had already given it its own wiedische guild, which fused 1643 with the new total guild. The union of the guilds, beyond denomination and national borders, is to be regarded also as a kind promotion of economy development measure of the territorial gentlemen. However solidarity behavior was learned in the context of economic competition and religious opposition.

The four (temporarily five) national gentlemen agreed during the 30 year war. At the end of the 30 year war the guild was stabilized: Filters had been established guild masters, a mastermaster master and zuenftiges Gepraenge. the guild counted 600 member masters now - that must have been scarcely half of the male population. The count in 1771 showed again 600 masters.

This high number is quite simple to explain: The can baker guild split only late. Cans -, jug and whistle bakers still belonged to a guild. Starting from 1700 it went first still uphill with the can bakers. Under economical pressure the whistling and jug baker split themselves off. For the decade from 1660 to 1670 Kuegler (1995) sees still 70 masters, 1710 is it 281 masters.

The guild order of 1643, from which there is only one copy and no original, covered still "all masters of the can and jug baker hand work in the periphery of five miles around Grenzhausen". (Buechel 1965, 100)

The places Grenzhausen, Hilgert, Alsbach, Hundsdorf, Mogendorf, Nordhofen, Selters, Dierdorf, Neuwied and Bendorf are again Evangelist. Hoehr, Hillscheid, Grenzau, Nauort, Caan, Sayn, Vallendar, Weiterburg,  Gladbach, Neuhaeusel, Arzbach, Ransbach, Baumbach, Breitenau, Deesen, Ellenhausen, Hirzen, Oberhaid, Wittgert, Wirges, Ebernhahn, Siershahn, Bamberscheid and Staudt belong to Kurtrier Sayn and were catholic.

When 1705 the guilds separated finally, Evangelist were a third of the members. (Schneider 1914, 33/34) A traditional confirmation of the original guild order, given in the year 1668 and renewed in the year 1680 had been confirmed also 1705. Before the crash of the 19th Century the guilds had disbanded in the last third of the 18th Century.

1775 left Trier the common guild. Archbishop Clemens Wenceslaus determined a five years long persisting training, which an at least four years old associating time had to follow. To the mastership examination a certified one stood thereby for the time at that time already in the bloom of its years. This maneuver should deter and eliminate thus the personnel overhang, which again profit and thus excise dutiable make handicraft.

Trier cut out, since Wied the handicraft right had begun to liberalize. Trier, which maintained ground with Hoehr and Vallendar since 1767 more strongly, resisted the dissolution of the guilds however just as little like other territories. Starting from 1803/04 the nassauischen and former kurtrierer guilds - only 1816 also the wiedischen were dissolved. The dissolution of the guild happened with the reason, it in relation to the authority had been recalcitrant. With the dissolution of guild the last obstacles fell with the clay export. (Baaden 1985, 140) Baaden writes, protests because of the release of the clay trade were negative granted 1819/20. Rather the guild had to now be afraid that you were raised the prices of the lease for the tongrube. Only conjugally born master sons could learn the handicraft, only the Erstgeborene could masters become, it are, it married a master daughter or a master widow. Here otherwise the aristocracy reserved privilege of the geburtlichen heritability of the conditions was embodied, it was broken with the dissolution of the guilds.

The guild was based on monopolizing the market. The only economic threat lay in the collapse of the market. Werner Sombart (Lenger 1995) believed to be able to win from it the definition that the guilds would hostilely have faced the capital, it would actively have fought. (Sombart 1919, 1/2) the attempt of the guilds, its members a hereditary restaurant status, as it were the restaurant aristocracy of the middle class to provide settles in the popular designation ' clay barons '.

The local guilds held usually to their customs, which documented already early. Over those lying guild continues to remove from Thalheim is called it with Schneider: "13.4.1687 [... ] meeting had and equal a bride, who holds its wedding, after high-commendable catholic custom by a tidy Kirchgang with probably-affected flags by Spielleuth of high tutelary Gnad offentlich confirmieret [... ]." (Schneider 1914, 35) the church was thus not a voluntarily taken over component (as Wernet meant), but the order of the social life in principle more developing, a basal component of the obligating legal order of the guild, which was always affirmed in its yearly cyclic customs on the new.

In the handicraft ritual ceremony objects played early a role, whereby however the use of these objects (e.g. the handicrafts register) in popular representations is frequently mystifiziert. The ways of acting, which were inherent in these objects as procedural instruction (e.g. the guild drawer), were subject to however constant change and first a functional or purpose-rational background had. We take the regulation that only the first master son was allowed to become also again masters. Parallel to it the right custom prevailed in the Westerwald with the pottern that a widow was allowed to resume the enterprise, and that associated, which married the widow, masters will could. The system is on the one hand statically (continuous number of masters), on the other hand social adjusting, which concerns the widow and orphan supply.

Mostly five different rule areas with either Evangelist or catholic denomination were interlocked in the can baker country with one another. The self recruiting of the guild could lead with an obvious Nepotismus because of excluding from competition easily too badly trained craftsmen. Instead of control of the handicraft art rule was then the center of attention over the organized handicraft. That particularly applied to the ' Schnatzen ' (half master, Schnassen), which resold its baking right, without exercising the handicraft. Kuegler reported, a special order for this Schnatzen was issued to 1777. Therein "now those were at least excluded [... ], which from Euler Handwerck never-grind something known, nor learned, neither floated". (Kuegler 1980, 53)

One must hold oneself before eyes, as the guild had established quasi a heritability of the potter of handicraft. The ' handicraft utopia ', which remained effective into the middle class socialism of the LV ideology inside (Kuntz 1982), bases thereby in a feudal model. The marriage order of the guild condition of 1643 shows this clearly: "8. A master daughter loses the guild rights, if she marries except the handicraft, receives it however again, if she marries again into the guild." (Schneider 1914, 32) it also occurred that a marriage became dissolved, divorced (Blasius 1987). The guilds practiced their "traditional rites and ceremonies over several days" (Baaden 1985, 167), the not rarely ausufernde ' guild day ' were appropriate for at the beginning of Decembers.

Guild history is above all social history, usually on regional-historical basis. The history of social groupings, whose coalitions and showed up changing interests e.g. in cultural and economic ranges, some with the guild linked, remarkable ranges.

The immigrating Potter families brought, equipped with fuerstlichen privileges, the technology and technical skill from Raeren along and ' grey-blue '. These families manufactured high-quality export goods: The Renaissance containers with their various ornaments and editions. Such products went with the arising of the porcelain (it was considered as more distinguished) back. At the latest starting from 1750 the immigrants were not to be recognized by their products more.

Also by removal and marriage politics the immigrants created a common guild. On the basis of the rich clay occurrences the ceramic(s) production had been usual already in former times. The operational readiness level of the material clay justified a specific historical process (longue durée). Erstritten became in the guild agreement a production permission of all members for the gentleman work. The guild created economic free spaces, even if it developed counter productive obligations in other places. But again this solidarity, this in the guild right justified equal rights on the market, was not an emergency - a virtue. Neither the immigrants could have held their privileges, nor they would be into the benefit of the jug earth system (s.u.) come, they would have held gentleman work ' to granting privilege the export hit '.

The strangeness, they were exposed to which, would have led to hostilities. The Findigkeit however to develop e.g. always new products lay since its entrance with the gentleman work in the hands of the immigrants. The equality principle of the masters was put again and again among themselves to the test. The masters bought usually the wood, the salt and the clay. With good situation concerning orders the rohstoffpreise rose. Thus it would have come to a price fight of the masters among themselves. To 11.12.1715 in the Euler guild of the can baker country a ' regulation ' was issued. This certain, one is to buy the raw materials only still in ' whole guild '. (Baaden 1985, 157) the common purchase tried to keep the prices low. But the selling price of all ceramic final products should be held by the guild on a high level. The selling price could be under nor exceeded neither and the factor of the guild smashed inferior commodity with the pastry gebaeckschau. Functioning solidarity of the masters against down (supplier, coworker) and above (customer, rule) had developed.

Different ceramic branches of production developed: with the tobacco benefit whistle production, finally the water bottle or jug production and also still the Schiessbudenartikel -, toy -, means of publicity -, filling material and for instance filter production. The calls after national assistance actually never grew silent. Always the assistance calls were not justified - faithful the slogan: Learn complain, without suffering.

Thus in the l7. century the shortage of wood was one of the big complaints. The salt prices are exorbitant (the price of the final product was accordingly high). The excise duty (deliveries, taxes) too highly, those are complex to carrying out construction of roads work too jointly. One knew oneself to help: Clay and ceramic(s) smuggling was at the agenda, likewise wood theft and Wilderei. There were too many masters - leased whom partly only its baking rights, which could not exercise handicraft however any longer. Thus problems for the guild developed. These were answered also by emigration - however often in form of the operating establishment elsewhere, production procedures for ceramic(s) provide with the capital of the Westerwaelder. One calls these reestablishments in the Westerwald ' radiant emittances ' - Betschdorf in the Elsass is e.g. one of it. (s. u.)

Each master had the baking right, i.e. in its or also any others’ furnace he was allowed to burn its ceramic(s) (to bake), as soon as he was in turn. Nobody should bake except the row and reach thus an advantage opposite the other masters. One called that the row baking right. If a master of the guild exercised its handicraft as Schnatze (thus only still to the light), then he leased his baking right at high price. Here family ties with the preference and accumulation of baking rights played then a large role.

 

PUBLISHING HOUSE, MANUFAKTUR, INDUSTRY

As a solidarity principle these family ties led to granting privilege individual masters, who in the reason already verlegerisch manufakturiell produced and left in the long run (Proto -) industrial companies to develop. The can baker guild had 1771 600 masters in the year as members (s.o.). That had been the result of an overheated boom phase.

Straight one now, where the few sales markets were supervised by the guild masters, who control led the row baking right, carefully, which emergency-hung tons earned more. The Solidarprinzip OF the row baking right purged tons of more outer ones by thatfkaufen the baking rights. The guild, a partly self-legal (more autojurisdictional) range within the society, disintegrated in the long run, since it was innovation hostile. Well biedermeierlich everything should remain with the old person, the economy should state or group socialistically be led as it were.

Who had acquired sufficiently baking rights, which could become verlegerisch active. By the shifting of a hand work it is to be understood that the manufacturing ones had to work at home. The publisher procured the raw materials and the handicraft devices. Since it charged for these first, a kind debt farmhand shank, most dependent ones developed finally worked for bare surviving (food) and the erosion of the accumulating interest. The publisher left become impoverished masters and associates for itself to work, and it deposited the finished goods in a camp. If one began to act, instead of leaving that to the dealer, then it became guild-legally critical. Allegedly the Knuetgen (Knoetgen) is to have offended in Siegburg against this guild principle and was therefore very glad to be able to emigrate after Hoehr where acting and driving out in the guild order of liberals were handled.

That was probably among other things because of the Gemischtkonfessionalitaet the guild region. The prince to Wied operated active settlement politics and ensured for example in whistle production of unrest with its wonderful national publishing house establishment. (Kuegler 1995)

Apart from the always tried protection from industrial company and publishing house system the guild and furnace master held usually only are awake over whether foreign do not associate here to work sought. That was not always gladly seen. There was not a moving obligation, the handicraft was ' given ' not. (see Kuntz/Bickel 1994)

The economical board of control for the factor of the guild was the furnace, whose size required a considerable capital expenditure and whose operation was complex because of the substantial smoke development a public. The terms ' order ' and ' authentication ' always relevant in the folklore (see Habermas 1976, 327; in addition, Kramer 1974) describe rudimentarily the guild system. Order and authentication led despite their partly do good-end effects in the social life to the fall of the guild. The rigid regulation of the right of access (training, granting privilege the master son etc.), the stiffness of the economic distribution of the Erwerbsqellen and the handicap of the mass production, particularly with the mineral water jugs, strengthened the publishers and manufacturer the back. After this solidification now flexibility was in demand.

The guild of the can bakers suffocated finally at their debts. Because each emigrated master, who fled because of its bankruptcy over the national borders, left his debts of the guild. This answered to it with the admission of credits with national gentlemen and an increase in charges for the guild membership. The guild was not a autojurisdictional obligation body and it gave Potterleben outside from it.

Starting from 1789/1800 the guild showed up as increasingly insolvent. The stone Stein-Hardenberg reforms starting from 1806, in whose consequence also the guilds were forbidden, caused only the confirmation of the reality. 19. Century belonged to the industry, e.g. the historically mass-produced goods of the Reinhold Hanke starting from 1864. The potter called themselves now manufacturers and let themselves instead of into the handicrafts register into the lists industry and of the chamber of trade be registered.

The zuenftige handicraft turned out particularly fast to its borders, as soon as it acted massenbestellungen which can be supplied over at short notice. Such rapid fluctuations arose since arising the bath cures and drinking various sources of mineral water.  It concerned with these bottles branded articles, whose production had to take place controlled. The zuenftigen capacity chains (like e.g. row cheeks restrained the introduction of new production procedures. Procedure innovations arrive usually to the industrial entrepreneurs faster, on the other hand it came in the handicraft to structure conserving. If for instance a well administration needed annually thirteen million mineral water jugs, then it - e.g. in Vallendar or honour broad stone - had to create its own manufacturing, a factory. In such a situation the handicrafts were too rigid. The necessary capital strength, in order to work in stock, was high.

A manufacturing in the factory would have been meaningful. From the buying up of baking rights quasi a production resulted, only starting from 1820 penetrated industrial manufacturing ways into this handicraft. The processing steps were assigned to different working groups. Undoubtedly the master the highest prestige status and the highest command authority came too (when business owner or leader sucked later. Public utility). Beside the master woman the turners or wirker followed (associate). Parallel to the apprentices the Henklerinnen worked and blue inside in the operating hierarchy. Also the ornament techniques ' Knibis ' and ' talk ' (s.u.) as typical patience work of women were exercised, while the work with the Modeln and applying the editions were again maennerarbeit. The turned piece had to dry first - on the ' Dill ', the drying board - then only could it (gehenkelt) become geohrt. With the mark horn or the brush the smalte was laid on, in the Westerwald usually with a brush from pig bristles. The smalte consisted of Tonschlicker and metallic oxides (cobalt = blue; Manganese = brown).

 

CLAY AS RAW MATERIAL

So-called clay RD or also jug earth system made it necessary to transport different clay qualities back and forth. Different clay had one for quality improvement to mix. Also commodity was duty-free moved and exported. The national gentlemen resisted, in which they sold the monopoly on the clay export to partly even non-resident dealers (and/or leased). "in kurtrierischen yard chamber minutes from the year 1720 it is confirmed that the Mr. Johann Knoedgen from Hoehr and J.P. Itschert and Joh. Itschert from Vallendar increased the ' whistle earth ' (clay) to Vallendar." (Mayen 1985, 23)

1770 gave it a further monopoly assignment on the export to the white whistle earth for nine years. Finally received L Fuerth (Cologne) up to 1.4.1803 the rights for twelve years. In the former nassauisch oranischen region "applied the nassauisch katzenellen bogensche land order of 1.9.1559." (Schneider 1914, 13) otherwise the clay dismantling was regulated after prospecting license or common German mountain right. Starting from the year 1856 the right (Belehnung) with the entry stepped into a mountain pass book in addition. Still around 1850 the genossenschaftliche clay dismantling outweighs. Many of the today's ' clay barons ' owe their prosperity to the ' comrades ' in their family history.

The cooperatives were numerously un branch out. "in such a way 1848 united altogether 97 jug bakers and 53 can bakers from the places Baumbach, Ransbach, Artzbach, Mogendorf, Hilgert, Caan, Nauort, Hoehr and Grenzhausen to a ' can baker association in the offices Selters and Montabaur '. President became the Baumbacher Peter Korzilius II." (Kuegler 1980, 25)

"Similar combinations under the name ' raw material association ' became in the second half 19. Century several times based, so e.g. the ' raw material association of the clay ton-industrial of the Unterwesterwaldkreises ' (1898); the selling federation of the jug bakers of the Unterwesterwaldkreises based in Ransbach Ww., 1905; the raw material association of the can bakers to Grenzhausen; the raw material association of the stoneware manufacturers to Hoehr." (Kuegler 1980, 26) here wide and to that extent superordinate solidarity had only been dictated with the compulsory cartel, which had been forced by the National Socialist ruling powers.

The mountain liberty of the nassauischen time had also assured to 'first without restrictions a production right at the clay (Heuser Hildebrandt 1995, 213) foreigners '. The nassauische federal state government explained the mountain liberty of the clay to 1817 - in Nassau Oranien it was then until 1866 a rental business-able mineral. That led now to completely similar speculating in ' rights ' as with row cheeks. The former guilds secured themselves Belehnungen, it developed from the guilds of raw material associations, which promote partly still today. In the guild and association history family history lives - and/or also in reverse.

Between 1817 and 1867 about 250 lent clay mines opened! Their number is so high, since also smaller pit fields, which diminished with the bell pit, when ' mine ' were counted. The documents of the mountain and hut commission in Dillenburg reported on the clay mining already in the year 1776: "so many orders on clay come, so many holes, pits and pits are made. If the ordered portion is chopped, the Graeberei, if she not already together-goes during the work, is left to the collapse." (Schneider 1914, 15) the whole area was rooted, therefore that had become clay ditch in parts of the can baker country starting from 1786 a national wonderful privilege. 1788 was made the municipalities reporting authorities for requested Belehnungen.

In the case of an official counting around 1880 180 enterprises were administered by Diez, 72 enterprises from Dillenburg. As also when baking, then Belehnte might have used their rights not also when digging. 1892 was counted alone in the gemarkung Siershahn 32 tongruben with 64 workers under days. Up to the Prussian time, which began 1866, the mountain shelf of the duchy Nassau applied. The general Prussian mountain law of l867 followed. In the nassauischen mountain order of 18.2.1857 (the ' mountain shelf ') be fixed, "that from the property owner the right of disposal over the mineral lining up on its possession be extracted could." (Schmidt Nicolai 1968, 37) by the Prussian general mountain law of 1.4.1867 then the following regulation entered into force: Which was up to then not lent, went to the basic owner, old right continued to apply.

Fox noted, it gives about 180 mountain-legally lent clay occurrences, or, in the Unterwesterwald "how the landlaeufige expression calls it: Tonbelehnungen." (fox 1924, 5) legal were not always completely clear the use and the exploitation of the deposits of clay. It can be said nevertheless that the "common clay pit possession [... ] held the volume together [ formed ] of which after dissolution of the guilds the former guild members." (fox 1924, 7)

1921 developed a ' Tonkontor Rhine Westerwald ' as union of all clay dismantling companies. The company Carl Itschert from Vallendar played here a outstanding role. At the 15.7.l933 the realm law was put for the formation of compulsory cartels, a measure of the raw material safety device and thus the war preparation into effect - which became clay union strengthened. (Mayen 1985, 44) solidarity with exhausting natural resources applied thus again for the protection against the competitors.

Nowadays belongs the soil sieve meters under the surface to the property owner, it is, an old Belehnung applies still. The Belehnte must compensate and into the old conditions shift the owner in each case. Schneider, that relates by the way the designation ' jug and can baker country ' used (Schneider 1914, 5), early still today the maintained myth of the singular-ness of the deposits of clay of this region. Regarding the quality and the size of the occurrences the myth seems to be confirmed. Schneider considered blade mountain and pointing hole just as worth mentioning, to further graphite stores with Passau, Schwarzenfeld, Amberg, Kemnath, Mitterteich (Bavaria), Grossalmerode (Hessen), Coldlitz, Hubertusburg (Saxonia), Bunzlau (Schlesien). However main header it the high alumina portion of the Westerwaelder of clay out, which causes the stability. By the decomposition of devonischer rocks during Tertiary period developed, the clay differs in primary and secondary clay. Primary clay store at the developing place and contain Kaolinit and Bentonit in high portions. Secondarily stored clay is ' sieved ' by the misalignment: Ball Clay, mergelton and the Westerwaelder stoneware clay and the fat pipe clay. Together with the Al203 (alumina) silicon oxide is jointly responsible for the plasticity (stability with the rotation) the clay. In the LV time was considered furnishing in the Westerwald an aluminum production however the situations with extreme Al203-Anteil proved as too small. Among these best situations rank: Ransbach with 35 % Al203, Siershahn Mogendorf with 38% Al203, Wirges Leuterod with 39% Al203 and Ruppach Goldhausen with 42% Al203.

The clay export among other things to Russia, Holland, Sweden, Belgium, France or Italy (Baaden 1985, 142) brought by the railway (1884) quite much money to the development of the can baker country. This money was invested into the next economic situation: the production heat and acid-resistant stones. Refractory clay mills were established and from the gemahlenen ceramic(s) waste produced one hochofensteine - a product innovation. Also sucked. Building of acids (salt-glazed tubs and tubes) for the chemical industry became a good business.

The clay miners worked in cold weather, humidity and at large physical effort. Beside Rheumatismus and frequent turberculosis a certain habituation to the alcohol prevailed. "daily 1/4 to 1 litre liquor" consumes clay miners, so the lapidary statement of Schneider. (1914, 24) neither on accidents under influence of alcohol one reported, still by the gas explosions in the foundation engineering. One had filled the old bell pits. In addition usually vegetable waste was used. If under days such a ' nest ' were punctured - in the vernacular ' awl man ' mentioned -, it could come because of that rot gases to devastating explosions. Apart from the danger of accident the clay miners of particularly bad air were suspended introduced ventilations in the bell pits and lugs – despite that sluggishly.

"An overall organization of the clay miners did not take place up to now yet and at wage conflicts also hardly from influence to be [...] local's groups of the federation of Christian Keram and stone workers existed until some years ago [... ] at present to exist still groups in gold living, Grosshollbach, Girod and Meudt also together 128 men." (Schneider 1914, 23) so the clay miners could only to 1.4.1910 for all miners introduced scarce shank patient and pension fund occur - despite an earlier own attempt Mogendorf. Solidarity in the large one did not give it in this retreat area with the bad-earning. Usually it was enough only for the co-operation of the tripartite group.

The solidarity of such working groups, the clay diminished, was forced - everyone stood equivalently for the group. Also the clay users were forced with one another by the jug earth system to compensatory handling - in such a way we introduce ourselves anyhow today. By a jug earth system the correct mixing proportion of the aluminas is to be understood, which was possible only over the local borders and in the exchange with other owners of Tonbelehnungen. Such first economic equilibrium positions came easily into inclination, about if the demand came to a hold, or one by the clay export in the own monopoly situation felt threatened. With a clay shortage it would have been also not done - at least European-wide selling and a kind market study would have had to be developed. In addition however the producers were oriented on outside suggestions, on subsidies one today would too much say.

Solidarity as spreading, principle of the work and the broterwerbes (as low one saw it with the common work in the Wallis - to 1956), seizing the whole, is to be found with the ceramic(s) producers as few, as with the clay miners. Schneider stressed that these could together-find themselves to no overall organization and it to that extent also did not come to intensive wage conflicts.

Solidarity seems to have prevailed in the bell dismantling and later in the ' open mining ' due to the remuneration forms. The tripartite groups in the deep and open mining were paid after raw material quantity, worked thus in fact in the chord. All pre-working, like a digging of the pit, its reinforcing with branch rings, the ventilation and the creation of a way were unpaid pre-working of the tripartite group. The raw material association and/or the clay speculative purchaser paid ever after quality of the supplied clay for ten tons 21 to 42 Marks, for the second assortment gave it to 12 to 18 Marks. (Schneider 1914; Mayen 1985) the quality of the commodity was examined among other things with the chewing sample, then one experienced equal something over the sand portion of the alumina.

A strong wave of obrigkeitlich motivated solidarity was to be determined, when after the First World War 1923/24 in the course of Rhine land occupation the passive resistance was arranged and also practiced. In such a way the "threatened classification of workers was fetched because of the continuous passive resistance also accomplished [... ] the men and their relatives from the Frenchmen and pushed away to the largest part in ' direction because castle ' over the ' border '." This reports Mayen, the moving spirit of the Siershahner of clay mining museum. It continues: "here the German authorities had a sammellager were furnished, in that the Westerwaelder of clay miners [... ] supplied and then on many places distributed [... ] the clay miners returned to their homeland villages, after [... ] Stresemann stopped the passive resistance on 26 September 1923!". (Mayen 1985, 43)

The clay promotion developed with help of the newest techniques to one of the branches of main business of the can baker country, which brought in many places displeasure out. One believed finally, everywhere in the world now Westerwald ceramic(s) is produced, since the clay is everywhere hang-supplied. A quarter of all tongruben of the old Federal Republic were 1965 in the can baker country in enterprise, 42% of the clay promotion here 1963 were furnished. Today fifty per cent of the German promotion originate from the can baker country, here annually diminished, from it will become 70% in Germany processed two and a half million tons and only exported 30 %. This enormous dismantling quantity has its price, particularly regarding at least temporary landscape destruction. Today's clay miners are conveyor mechanics, crawler-type vehicle and truck drivers. Old pits are again activated, since one judges in former times as less outstanding qualities now again eligible for promotion. High Tech ceramic(s) does not demand other mixtures, the old jug earth system applies any longer. A last schachtbetrieb ' is eaten shortly ' by an open mining, which before already a road fell to the victim. The giant pits are usually filled and naturalized, or bath lakes develop and protected areas - nevertheless also a muellentsorgung could itself establish as new restaurant factor.

In the region Koblenz and the can baker country are there today still scarcely 600 jobs in the clay dismantling, to the 14,000 jobs in the further connection with ceramic(s). 1980 were there in the can baker country of 300 enterprises and 8000 persons employed. Today it should be 250 enterprises with 6000 jobs, it gave however in recent time spectacular firm collapses. But still the regional consciousness prevails forwards, which its Einzigartigkeitsgefuehl from the clay occurrences refers.

 

JUG BAKER'S SHOP

Jug bakers manufactured mineral water containers / bottles /jugs in the today's linguistic usage. These jugs are turned with the hand on the Potterscheibe, with the hand geohrt (gehenkelt), cleaned and marked. The stamp of the well mark place found in front and under the handle of the stamps of the jug manufacturer. This second marking was necessary, in order to be able to make the manufacturer liable. A mineral water jug represented a high-quality Wegwerfverpackung, above all however a branded article! Branded articles are characterized by the fact that they transport the inducement over the brand name, the product designation and the packing quality (brown stoneware) and the signature of the well at the same time gives a warranty for contents of the product. There was already early in the can baker country such a thing like trademark pirating. Who buys today a bottle Coca Cola, would be surprised, to find therein Pepsi or Afri Cola. Happened exactly however with mineral water at that time, if unbefuellte mineral water jugs third were supplied on, instead of at the up-marked wells. The potter had the stamp and thus power over the branded article. If the bottle was filled of third, then the owner of the stamp could be made secured. Only: if the stamp under the handle were missing, that was not comprehensible everything. Even if the bottle were legally filled, it was important to determine the manufacturer e.g. to a leaky bottle. Damaged bottles were already destroyed at the place of the production (in sucked. Break pits, it become today from hobby archaeologists ergraben). Often these unsalable bottles were used for the filling of drainage ditches. Also for easily damaged bottles become in the antique trade 40. - to 120. - DM requires - depending upon stamp.

With the mode the mineral water drinking cure and the bath vacation became the mineral water jug already end 17. Century a mass product. The helping thing and welfare-ends water wanted also at home to be enjoyed. With the emergence of weekend, spare time and that first the need of Fachinger, Selters and others increased the official being entitled vacation privilege sucked. Sour-land on water. Who falsified such branded articles, saved before everything the also at that time already high transport costs. Two cases of such fraud are here shown: "at the 21.4.l852 an announcement was issued against several jug bakers of Mogendorf and Nordhofen, because these jugs with indications produce, which are similar to the Selterser well [... ] the investigation resulted in that 300,000 jugs with the similar jug temple had been manufactured to Mogendorf, and supplied at the Lamschieder well." (Baaden 1985, 187 f.)

A further example: "to 9.5.1852 the mayor von Baumbach that in Vallendar thousands of jugs with the Selterser well character were embarked, announced over at the geringhaltigen sources of mineral in Lamschied Roisdorf etc. to be filled." It proved that a supply of this kind went also "to Holland to a pharmacist, who possesses a chemical factory. In this copy it the Selterswasser artificially and fill it into the Westerwaelder of jugs. The ' blockage ' [ cork ] and ' twisting ' [ sealing ] copy it likewise and sell then this falsified water as original Selterswasser." (Baaden 1985, 188) not only this case of trademark pirate, but also the reference to it that it depended still on the geschmackliche ' strength ' of the water, are remarkable.

As mentions already above, the jug bakers formed their own guild since 1776. First they kept a manufacturing monopoly upright with this guild order. The orders of the different wells were collected by the factor of the guild (e.g. of Joh. Gerharts, Baumbach) and distributed to the individual masters. In the houses and workshops of the jug bakers all cooperated. The furnace had to be filled, divided only rarely different jug bakers a furnace. The capacity of the furnaces rose ever more. 1783 were built a furnace for 3200 jugs and for e.g. 1850 one for eight to 12,000 jugs (Baaden 1985, 176). The difference (eight or 12.000) resulted from the size of the jugs: it varied 0.7 L and 1 L between 0,5 L (rare).

The wells been subordinate in principle the national gentlemen. They were usually leased. Occasionally it did not come to delivery difficulties on the part of the jug baker guild, since accepted these any orders, it thus possibly sufficiently jugs gave - however ('just in time ') with the correct stamp. Also by a false fire supplies could fail. The guild turned into to let also unskilled ones cooperate if an offer in excess at orders were present. Thus however the number of the jug bakers who can be considered became still more largely.

After the slogan ' cuius regio... ' proceeding management of the wells and monopolizing the associated jug baker's shops led also to the breakup of the guild apart. 1775 issued the rule Kurtrier a monopoly on the well of Selters. That represented a serious national wonderful interference into the guild autonomy – which crumbled to guild right. 1777 issued also a well monopoly to Wied. These well monopolies preceded the production and meant first only that the national gentleman determined: for my wells only my potter work! (Cuius regio...).

The mineral water wells closed exclusive supply contracts with some jug bakers and threatened the suppliers the exclusion from the guild in this way. The order could be completed only over the factor. Individual manufacturers went around this guild officials and disturbed so the monopoly of the guild.

"The guild masters threatened now the private contractors to take to them their guild right to tear off even their furnaces! Whereupon the strict instruction was not issued ' with punishment of digging in volume and iron ' a jug baker to prevent to lock with the yard chamber of private contracts from the kurtrierischen administration to the guild masters. Individual guild masters were condemned to 8.10.1764 to the threatened punishment by 100 gold guldens from own means." (Baaden 1985, 171)

The jug bakers with exclusive contracts came fast into dependence of their client, who began immediately for his part, sucked. To establish coming ral jug factories. Against the interferences of the national gentlemen the guild defended itself. She "tried to procure itself from the Universities of Cologne and Marburg with heavy costs legal opinions." (Baaden 1985, 172) the legal steps failed nevertheless, the jug baker guild disintegrated.

The Kurtrierer jug baker could not cover the need of the Selterser of well. A reunification of the guilds would have been meaningful, in order to become more flexible, but the turn failed despite a need of 1.2 million jugs annually.

1803 supply the village Hilgert of 700,000 jugs, at the same time to Mogendorf with 1.25 million. Selters in the Ems brook valley (close of the Lahn) was the most important Trierische well. This well was preferred by the catholic factor of the guild and also the catholic masters. The Evangelist jug bakers turned away. Existed in the year 1851 in Mogendorf according to the trade tables 31 factories with 55 workers. Ten years later (1861), "13 factories with 13 management persons, 81 male and 12 female workers specified in tables [... ] from 31 ' factories ' became 13. With the increasing of the employment figure of 55 to 93 the arbeitsteilige manufacturing of the jugs accompanies." (Baaden 1985, 14)

When 1866 became Prussian the duchy Nassau, the jug economic situation rose, and starting from 1870/71 it increased rapidly. Beginning of the 1870er years in Mogendorf three to four million jugs were produced, in the years 1873/74 then however already 12.2 million. 1879 tore the jug economic situation suddenly off. The recession of the founder boom and the mismanagement of the wells were considered as reasons. Of Knoedgen (sic!) in Baumbach in the same year invented semiautomatic jug press intensified this emergency, because only one year later six of such jug presses already stood in Mogendorf (see below). After only a further year it should be already 18 of such presses l88l lost half associates their work than turners. the press manufactured 1500 container cylinders daily. For capacity problems furnaces were rented. (Schneider 1914, 12)

The 1884 open railway line in the Westerwald propelled the economic situation again. But the still little effective fully automatic production method for glass bottles was fast perfected. Thus the Rhenser mineral well bought 1881 still 350,000 jugs, but only 40,000 glass bottles. 1893 had become from the 40,000 glass bottles already 1.4 million pieces. That corresponded to an increase around that for instance 70fache. The Konjuktur for the jugs broke down finally. The glass bottles was the better packing product. One could see, what there one bought. Finally the glass bottles became also more cheaply than the jug. The operating figures of the jug baker's shops decreased/went back rapidly. The large jug furnaces could be maintained hardly more, then 1894 into Mogendorf 47 enterprises came on 18 furnaces. Here 130 humans in the jug baker's shop, about three per enterprise worked. 1905 was it only 87 persons employed in 37 enterprises, whereby Valentin Baaden proceeds additionally from approximately 275 cooperating relatives.

Only 1939 gave it (s.u.) again a technical innovation in the jug baker's shop. A fully automatic jug press was announced to the patent and used also directly in practice, however 100 years too late. Social innovations (e.g. immigrations) were it, which had made this technical innovation already obsolete: The glass factory in Wirges, created operated by Boehmen and Czechs, by Siemens. In Mogendorf there were 1948 still 11 jug factories with 33 workers. One worked for Netherlands gene factories as well as for Steinhagen (Westphalia). 1950 were opened on operation of the gene manufacturers in the Netherlands a jug factory. Only after final victories the jug economic situation one set for the jug in Mogendorf a monument: Center of the 60's was located in the main street an oversize Steinhaegerkrug. (Baaden 1985, 210) in the meantime a fully automatic jug factory supplied Steinhaegerfla to Moschheim.

 

WHISTLE BAKER'S SHOP

With whistle production it concerned an already very early shifted trade. The poverty trade was operated as supplementary income. The subsistence was priority. Thus Kuegler states a whistle baker, who had nevertheless three of the expensive forms and a vice in its possession, which called however 12 meadows and 16 fields its own. We do not know however, this Laendereien were as small (material division). Were cultivated oats, grain, potatoes and it nevertheless gave in this household three cows! (Kuegler 1985, 129)

First the whistle bakers were zuenftig as can bakers. The brass forms for the whistles were expensive and increasingly by the publisher were lent or prefinanced. Together with the can and jug bakers the whistle bakers had a scarcity of raw materials: The wood scarceness gave cause for the complaint again and again. If one considers that the furnace of a whistle baker was tiny compared with that of a can baker or a jug baker, then these complaints show only, how poor the whistle bakers were: Also few the wood had to be bought.

As itself its own whistle baker guild (1775/76/77) constituted, tried one also at the same time to realize a whistle magazine. But failed because of discords. 1769 had given it the first attempt to a magazine, survived this magazine however only scarcely one year. Solidarity was always particularly a thing of the wealthy ones, since evenly only by the surplus something could be branched off for common enterprises. In the poverty trade of the whistle baker's shop too many looked for their welfare. Only a strong and principal-strong guild could have monopolized the market over a magazine. The Manufakturvertrieb and the shifting of this handicraft accompanying with it progressed.

In addition the publisher monopolized the market as an however speculative purchaser. Its own selling was impossible, particularly since the brass forms for the whistles were provided with numbers and the name of the publisher. In order to push this obligation open, the whistle its, the publisher stamp, it came from understandable reasons to the controversy. The guild wanted to intersperse 1769 that the dealer (publisher) was not to do no more the product its stamp prints. The conflict led to a temporary guild abolition and its Rekonstitution 1777. Finally - already in the interest of the dealers - additionally the manufacturer of the whistle was up-marked. Thus one sees, as on the object by the stamp economics and social-historical data becomes readable - as also with the mineral water jugs.

Whistle cheeks was above all woman and kinderarbeit. In addition,: Winter work, seasonal work, arm occupation. Only who created it to add itself own forms it could bring to something. That succeeded to the three brothers Spang in Baumbach (today: Peter Spang, Zierkeramik, another branch of family: Spang of WW flower pots). A further whistle economic situation gave it, than the French-German war had gone to end. However in Hilgert, that village, which presented itself later than almost exclusive whistle baker village, one produced 1873 6.6 million whistles in the year. 1880/90 in the annual average ten million whistles were manufactured. The straight whistle baker's shop promoted the packing production. Wood and paper packing companies developed in the front Westerwald numerously and to exist until today.

But as already with the Renaissance ceramic(s), which fell the porcelain and the faience to the victim, like also short time later with the mineral water bottle, then determined the fashion, the fine difference, the prestige as culture transducers over this west he forests branch of industry: The clay whistle was considered as old fashionable. Bruyière whistles became modern (representatively) and finally the cigar, the Zigarillo and the cigarette - the speed of the life-style finds its expression in the consumption speed. Would carve-rub-rub developed not only from the Modelschnitzen for Auflagendekore, but also from the Pfeifenschnitzerei.

1892 meet the North American import boycott (Mac Kinley Bill) the Westerwald. Again the economic situation recovers, when e.g. 1914 nevertheless two million whistles from Hilgert are exported into the USA.

For manufacturing it requires a whistle the fat, white pipe clay (high alumina portion). From it after kneading a sausage is rolled. This is inserted into the form. With a kind vice is pressed and pulled the whistle blank, whereby the ' Kaster ' (a kind plugging device) draws the clay whistle style over the ' Weierdraht ' (for the cavity of the whistle handle). After drying the ungebrannten whistle this is occasionally glazed ' cleaned ' (smoothed), or abraded with an agate stone, in order to produce gloss. Also in this trade late rationalizing technology developed: the double form whistle press, 1930.

10 cm long waking man whistles could be manufactured starting from 1900 in large quantity. The semi-automation pressed 2000 pieces per hour. Into a small, standing furnace fit up to 16.000 short whistles. The largest furnaces seized 49,000 for a long time and 24,000 short whistles. To the alternate products belonged: Schiessbudenroehrchen, Schiessbudenfiguren, packing of dear beads, waking man whistles, clay flutes, devotional objects Figuerchen (e.g. for processions), heads for finger dolls, bath dolls, savings doses, winter welfare organization badges, nest eggs, small Portraitbuesten (e.g. general of Mackensen), airplane and Zeppelin figures, the Santa Claus (partly as flute), cocks as wind instruments and pupating tube table-ware.

 

SELLING AND SUPPLEMENTARY INCOME

The different ceramic(s) sections, like farmer work, gentleman Mr., cans -, jug or whistle production was operated at the same time. Depending upon economic situation became the clay and/or ceramic(s) production or the agriculture the support leg of the economic existence. If a kind of production went more badly, then to another one changed over - also within the different ceramic branches of production.

The table-ware trade was a lucrative trade form. The Hausier and dealer nature decreased/went back to a decree from the year 1632, in which it was held "that Euler [... ] made of lack of buyers away-lead [ transports and negotiates ] may '." (Plenge 1898, Bd. Certain branches of profession outweighed II, 107) in some localities. Thus there were also villages, from which above average many table-ware and moving dealer originated. The today dominating the market companies Sahm and racing valley (catering trade and mark glasses), decrease/go back to a family business for the selling of Westerwaelder ceramic(s). (Baaden 1993, high 1987)

The ' farmer work ', that simple use and restaurant table-ware first with stretcher racks about country one negotiated. Hand-pushed, also with dogs covered trucks and cow and/or horse cars were added. The dealers arrived in summer and autumn months to to East Prussia, as preferential area of distribution however applied for Holland. Hollandgaenger and moving dealers were synonymously used expressions. The return of the moving dealers always became in the places of such retreat areas to the celebration. Martini, thus 11 November, was certain as the traditional date, to which in Ransbach the return of the dealers was celebrated.

And the 60's 50's 19. Century were the bloom time of the moving trade. Already "1834 moved after recordings from the office Montabaur 300 persons as large and retailers to Holland. In the year 1861 Nassau pulled 1800 persons as earthen table-ware dealers, fruit dealers and musi edges to Holland. from the entire duchy " (Schmidt Nicolai 1968, 134)

Plenge (1898) saw the Hausierhandel as Zubrot of the condition of the agriculture weakened by the material division. It should be procured in such a way cash for artificial fertilizers, country, cattle and equipment. Still 1914 cooperated children in the moving trade. Baaden reports of numerous complaints because of omission of the compulsory schooling and morally endangering life change of parents in the Umherziehen with the children. (Baaden 1993)

From village to village the Nebenerwerbe was differently weighted, but always very numerous, and it concerned usually seasonal work. One found work as a bricklayer, stone molder in the pumice (Neuwieder basins), forest worker, wagoner, clay worker, aid in road construction, flax weber, yoke and Rechenmacher, korbmacher and Loeffelschnitzer, Modelschnitzer, in shipping, etc.. - briefly, the whole pallet of the supplementary income in economic retreat areas is, in the front Westerwald, to the can baker country also here. Individual places specialized in itinerant trade: Niederelbert e.g. was well-known as bricklayer village. In Ransbach and Baumbach there were individual families, which manufactured scrubbing and polierpulver and into most distant countries driven out.

The fact that ceramic(s) workers had usually their own agriculture was reflected in permission for staying away for the erntezeit of the work. "during the main harvest time in the agriculture e.g. only few or no whistles were manufactured, on the other hand rose in the winter, if the seasonal workers were such as bricklayers, Tuencher, pflasterer to house, production [ the whistles ] strongly. One can transfer the example of the whistle bakers to all branches of the clay industry [ can and jug baker's shop ]." (Schmidt Nicolai, 1968, 106)

During the erntezeit the turners were allowed 19 completely naturally also still in the factories. Century leave their job. Thus it was probably expressed in the self understanding of the people that ceramic(s) and also the relevant factory work were likewise a supplementary income, or auxiliary acquisition like also the agriculture. The hop harvest (Baaden 1990a) proceeded, ceramic(s) was not weather dependent. But thus not enough: Land lots were not allowed to leave the work. And who was during the dominant material division already landless? Only foreigner. As fully valid in law was considered only that, which was from here. Landbesitz and place of birth did not determine humans as ' course-traveled ', one a country sold - he had it erheiraten himself. The longue durée of remote and Braudel, the history of the quasi-immobility of civilization processes mentalité, applies with long Hinsehen probably nevertheless not only geopolitically and culture-geographically, but also folklore.

The ' country of the poor people ', how William Heinrich Riehl had called the Westerwald, quite developed strategies against this poverty. It is not coincidence that Raiffeisen began here with its work, and first the agricultural fire cash was introduced. But the opposite of the innovation was also a mass phenomenon: the emigration. (Kessler 1996)

But in overseas the Westerwaelder did not only try its new luck. Straight one in translated handicrafts was usual it to open in other parts of the country an enterprise. One calls these reestablishments of ceramic enterprises ' radiant emittances '.

 

RADIANT EMITTANCES

1718 Krumlich

1718 Manhattan: W. Crolius (Korzilius) and J. Remy

1730 Betschdorf (Elsass) Hans's George Krumeich/22#Joh. Peter Wingender

1737 Mehren (Peterskirchen / Altenkirchen)

1741 43 Adendorf with Bonn (Kerkhoff - Hader 1980)

1749 Roemershag

1750 Langendernbach

1760 Driedorf/22#Herborn

1790 Speicher / Eifel

1793 Pressath/ Oberpfalz (Upper Palatinate)

1795 Pressath

1796 Roemershag b. Bad Brueckenau

1818 New York

1831 Philadelphia as well as Rohrbach, Stieda, Haseluenne, Hasbergen. In the southwest Eifel: Speicher, Niersbach, Bruch, Zemmer, Binsfeld. Niedergrafschaft Katzenellenbogen. Around 1800 altogether twelve families emigrated after Soufflenheim with Betschdorf.

1904 go down the Westerwaelder radiant emittance Steinau with Kassel. (Baaden, ceramic(s) museum, 1990, 96 97)

 

INNOVATIONS

In the last 100 years the innovation activity refers particularly to the migration - like already 1586 to 1648. Briefly before the turn of the century it had given again an immigration wave: "rapid blossoming of the industry between 1896 and 1900 let develop suddenly an acute lack of worker, for that the zuwanderung of strange workers caused." (Schmidt Nicolai 1968, 108) Boehmen and Czechs, which integrated themselves rapidly into the layer of the worker farmers, were predominant. The company Siemens, as operators of a glass factory in upper Hessen and at the same time as tenants of the royal wells of Niederselters and Fachingen, opened the glass factory in Wirges. Between 200 and 300 glass skilled workers immigrated from Maehren. Wirges became thereby the only locality in the Westerwald with a considerable worker culture. 1909 were quit tariff wages and struck. There were such strikes also in the ceramic enterprises - however by their family operating structure they crumbled usually fast off. The place Wirges is still today divided into upper and Unterdorf. Native ones live separately from tightening. After 1945 the Bunzlauer settled and created the Siershahner purifying A things factory. (Buechel 1965) the last large immigration wave came from Turkey. Here a disintegration model functions, i.e. the new subpopulation lives for itself and integrates themselves only laboriously starting from the third generation. Came last as consistent group a set of German-Russian families. Many inhabitants of the can baker country oscillate to Cologne or Frankfurt to the work.

A whole number of secondary trades Schnitzereien came out were already mentioned from ceramic doing. For the covers of the Bierseidel tin foundries were needed. For the developing Zierkeramik and flower pot factories qualified small mechanical engineering companies developed special presses, forms, volumes and machines of all art. also the advertising and packing trade played an important role. Already early a salt and a measurement race at the can baker country led past. From the haulage contractors from at that time very large forwarding businesses became.

Although by innovation a technical innovation is usually understood, it is not necessary to understand the penetration about innovations also as cultural act as technical self run. The can baker country adapts the innovations relatively late compared with large cities. Out and immigration waves many innovations brought with itself.

But many technical innovations came out from the region, not from the outside were surprisingly introduced. But they came evenly very often much too late. The joint clay dismantling e.g. was changed by the compressed air spade or by the clay plow, by which development of crawler-type vehicle and conveyor were it however after short time already outdated.

1848 developed Thewalt the first clay Schneider in Hoehr. 1854 had been introduced knetmaschinen with crank handle. These could be replaced 1876 by Knetgoepel, which were then finally electrified. 1863 had invented in Hoehr a Knoedgen the clay tube press, the production of water pipelines flourished however only briefly - however were added later more large sized sewage drain. 1865 were operated this press with a first steam engine. According to Baaden (1985, 207) the Baumbacher Josef Rommershausen invented 1939 a jug machine, with which it became possible to by machine form also the jug neck with delta. The first jug press from 1879, also in Baumbach developed, pressed only the bottle cylinder. The introduction of the jug press to Mogendorf (s.o.) approximately 50% had associate around their job brought. Starting from 1939 the handle with the hand had to be only attached. 1864 are the most important date, in this year immigrated Reinhold Hanke from Boehmen after Hoehr. It succeeded to it within fewer years to become yard supplier and it developed products in the time taste of the old German and historicism. Served it the Renaissance jugs and cans of the former immigrants 17. Century as models. The ceramic(s) school (1879), established in the meantime in Hoehr, employed famous teachers. Hankes son August recognized the geschmacklichen and social reversal and produced in time art nouveau ceramic(s) after drafts of well-known teachers and artists. Albin Mueller, starting from 1910 Curt fire latch plate, Hans Wewerka, Paul Wynand and above all Henry v. D Velde sketched for recent August Hanke. 1901 he took over the again-invented copper red glaze, it took part successfully 1902 and 1904 in Duesseldorfer exhibitions, likewise 1903 in Krefeld and 1904 in Wiesbaden.

Around 1820 poverty spread. The Nassaui government sent a commission into the crisis area. This recommended: Education strengthen, modern guilds develop and technical innovations introduce.

1879 were called in the course of the Prussian art school reform in Hoehr a ceramic technical school in the life. Hermann Seger, the inventor of the thermal fuel assistance of its name (seger cone), had after an attendance in Hoehr in addition lively. The number of the well-known names, those with modern ceramic(s) production to be connected is admirable. Riemerschmid, Van de Velde, Behrens, Muthesius, Marcks, Bogler, Burri, Bampi, Van Beek, Dressler, Lindig, Reuss, Douglas Douglas-Hill, Griemert, Bollhagen, Barlach, Wewerka.

Surely the reform desires (and later also the ' Neuwesterwald ' goes) go on the sozialreformerischen thoughts from Ruskin and Morris back (Kuntz 1988). Trade indication schools it had already early - e.g. 1821 in Berlin given - connected with a model collection, as initiators is Semper and Schinkel to be called. 1828 had been created the ' united technical schools to Zwickau ', 1850 followed the national industrie and vocational school in Neustadt (with Coburg). The 1873 created ' national ceramic technical school land hat ' the first special school for ceramic(s) might have been. Ceramic instruction also the pupils of the national academy for arts and crafts in Dresden (1875) received likewise those to the college of arts and crafts of Baden Karlsruhe (1878). After the establishment in Hoehr (1879) 1881 still the technical school for ceramic(s) at the royal college of arts and crafts in Munich followed. 1886 were opened to 1897 the ' Prussian ceramic technical school ' in Berlin the technical school for potter, in Bunzlau, finally 1900 the craftsman and college of arts and crafts in Trier. In Buergeln 1890 a ceramic museum were already created. The Hoehrer school had been mentioned in planning first 1842. A "institute for sample for the processing the clay" should be created, however also with an emphasis "for artistic modelling".

The school in Hoehr Grenzhausen 1957 from the ' higher technicalschool ' converted into a ' national school of engineering for ceramic(s) ' and a ' national werk-schule for ceramic(s) '. Today a ' university ' and ' Institut exists a ' ceramic center ' for artistic ceramic(s) ', subdivided itself in occupation and technical schools.

 

' DESIGN ' AND ' STYLE ' AS INNOVATION

“Like formerly, then still the artistic suggestion came not from a native one." (fox 1924, preface) 1864 had begun Reinhold Hanke as an immigrant from Boehmen in Hoehr with the ceramic(s) production. An order for the castle Eltz (in the Eifel, today admits us from the five-hundred-Mark one hundred) brought it on the correct idea. In the course of the national enthusiasm a preference for the Middle Ages and an exaggerated castle romance had developed (Kuntz 1996). 1867 ordered the owners of the castle Eltz copies of Renaissance ceramic(s), like them in 17. Century in the can baker country manufactured were. The 1868 created ' factory of old-German stoneware jugs Reinhold Hanke ' 1869 received the order for the production of "Humpen, jugs, wash service etc. in old-German Style" after drafts "of the architect Schmidt, to that the renovation work on castle Eltz led." (Fries/ Hanke 1987, 30) fast resulted follow-up orders. ' old German ' became later and ' flemish stone ' export hit into the USA.

"Apart from the production of the art-commercial products is however still the production of the mass-produced articles of very few artful, for it however the more from the large mass meant desired remarks. There one sees oneself the enormous amounts of beer jugs of all kinds of the simplest Munich measure jug to the buntest painted or with category pictures à la Defregger u.a.m. in relief decorated jugs, those with nearly unbelievable climbing work and figure decoration, enamels [... ] ueberladenen cans with and without tin covers, Weinbowlen, weinkuehler, likoer and liquor jugs on to make around itself a term of the importance of this branch of industry of the can baker country for all Zecherkreise of the whole world." (Berdel 1924, 20)

1876 were already Hanke yard supplier. "empress Augusta, Koenigin of Prussia, resided during the summer months in the Koblenzer lock. From there she came 1875 with large attendants to an attendance of the stoneware factory Reinhold Hanke to Hoehr." (Fries/22#Hanke 1987, 32) you informed surprisingly also about ceramic techniques. Fries reports in addition the following: "verbal report of Mrs. B. Thewalt, geb. 1879 in Hoehr. Afterwards their aunt was Katharina Trees, geb. Farmer to demonstrate selected by Hanke, the empress the talking making." (Fries/22#Hanke 1987, 42, Fn. 80) after this attendance the decree of the empress was only announced of 16.8.1876, the Hanke to the yard supplier made.

"Well-being in first line by the area after ' Altertuemern ' stripping antique dealer compelled, was tried in the sixties of the last century a re-establishment of the old, artful goods under use of the at that time still often existing beautiful old models and the old relief temples and stencils, then the master Reinhold Hanke to larger extent took up and with its products with the general search at that time for ' old-German ' article for interior decoration and house rapid paragraph, originating from Boehmen, found." (Berdel 1924, 19)

Reinhold Hanke used, like also different manufacturers Defregger motives. This artist did not communicate to it handwritten, he has anything against the use of his motives. (Fries/22#Hanke 1987, 34) Reinhold Hanke was not a creditor historically, it adapted only to the market.

When Hanke died 1886, 1888 the bohemian Austrian family Hankes upon the request of the widow was naturalized. Hankes son August let drafts of Peter Behrens and Henry implement van the Velde, which the "authenticity of the material, which made genuine, grey sintered reduction stoneware" impression, and which also again in the tradition Rheini stoneware saw themselves. (Schneider 1914, 76)

 

NEUWESTERWALD

Only in the 20's of this century again a trend developed back to the handicraft with the arising of this ' style direction ', while in the factories one poured and one pivoted. This turn is in the context of the terms Folklorismus, agrarian romance, to interpret large city enmity and life reform movement.

Elfriede Balzar Kopp and Wim Muehlendyk (beside teachers such as Alfred Kamp), the most well-known exponents of the ' Neuwesterwald ', could be registered ostentativ into the handicrafts register - at a time, when the role of the handicraft organization was taken over of the trade unions long and the keramiker let their ' factory ' lead at the Chamber of Commerce and industrie Koblenz.

Here the geschmackliche Neofeudalismus of the period of promoterism - historicism - with the nationalization of a society is connected. The failure of the civil revolution and the parliament still had a lasting effect. Also the 1848 the Prussian king in vain offered emperor crown, as well as the lost First World War may have kept an enmity upright against art nouveau. It appeared to the German middle class, as if art nouveau had historicism, and with it the German Reich, defeats. Now the folklorisierende ' Neuwesterwald ' developed as a somewhat linkische alternative.

Joseph Goebbels visited Elfriede Balzar Kopp, the guidance figure ' 'Neuwester-wald ', more than once in its workshop (persl. report of its son Heiner Balzar 1994). While Goering (an opponent of Goebbels) could be made its table-ware for Karinhall in Bunzlau, the Rhine countries Goebbels selected the reinvention of the rural Westerwald ceramic, grey-blue, which had been able themselves to develop without problem from art nouveau into the Nazi period. The ceramic work of Elfriede Balzar Kopp and Wim Muehlendyk belongs stylistic to the youth and life reform movement. Their goals the National Socialist ideology conglomerate had been incorporated, in accordance with the slogan: Forbid, hushing up, making.

Such style transformations in the things of the everyday life life actually mean often more, than one may believe. Folklore has here its points of contact with the Design history.

The brown of the Bunzlauer commodity was embodied after the Second World War as "Nazi-brown" in consciousness. It could not be set off anywhere more. Only with the break with the caution and restraint of the 1950er years again table-ware ceramic(s) was bought. Not only the language of the material plays a role, but also the respective symbolic meaning and the necessity of the alternatives with such processes of change.

Already 1924 criticized the already several times quoted Koblenzer director of museum Eduard Berdel, director/conductor of the technical school (1913 25 and 1941 44) the artist drafts for the can baker country: "however [ it ] the question, whether it is at all possible and angaengig, is an industry [... ] by unique ueberschuettung of drafts from outside ge-schmacklich to reorganize - of the Kitsch of the Defregger Humpen. [... ] a rapid development brought actual with its necessary misses often the whole modern art with some manufacturers in disrepute and lasted it a some time, until due to the natural development the new direction penetrated inexorably nevertheless. And in such a way now until today nevertheless more strangely more again, genuinely German style in stoneware developed." (Berdel 1924, 35) the author coins/shapes a style term, which could not itself intersperse: Neuwesterwald. The text continues to read: "one would like to call new Westerwald it [... ] and by processing the modern knowledge and technical achievements with same love and intimateness as the old craftsmen now internally, one created new." (Berdel 1924, 35)

Furthermore Berdel knows to report that this draft activity of some Jugenstil artists by the district administration office were supported. That seems in as much interesting as obviously already early an inclination existed to call official-public assistance in. Calculated to the art nouveau drafts to accuse, them be missing unfortunately "often to each internal connection with material and technology" (Berdel 1924, 35), is however incomprehensible. Rather such reproaches would apply opposite the historistischen derailing.

"Those really ' antique ' commodity, the reproduction of the old models from two to three hundred-year old past takes today still another considerable area, during it forwards approx.. 40 years to indescribable bloom had led [... ] it is mass-produced goods in the bad sense of the word become [... ] that is a ' old German ', which is as dissimilar as possible to the splendor works of the fathers! But that it is produced always still, particularly false sharply and multicolored, to it are - the Americans debt!" (Berdel 1924, 35) it defines ' talking work ' as the "sharply cut outlines of the colored ornamentations or also as designs and decoration of simple of white-grey commodity." Knibis, or the so-called "geknibste work, with which with simple three to four centimeters spread, flat Hoelzchen the art-fullest ornaments to be in-stung and imprinted" (Berdel 1924, 20), likewise one proves as traditional technology. "there the art commodity for 40 to 50 years developed itself again and thereby first to the old pieces from 16. and 17. Century leaned, is called it also ' Antique commodity ', the manufacturers concerned ' those Antique ones '." (Berdel 1924, 29) it continues: "' talking making ' [... ] is age-old, but as much also the artists of the technical school mentioned itself already endeavored to keep her alive in the people sink her ever more, particularly for economic reasons." (Berdel 1924, 30)

' talk ' - and ' Knibis' technology is anyhow in and the 30's 20's a folk lorisierende wiederentdeckung. Berdel demands, the "interest of the entire educated German people should one arouse for this genuine German art." (Berdel 1924, 36) it calls this time ' revival time ', speaks of ' bluish gray ' and ' cyan ' and sets the ' Neuwesterwald off ' from the ' old Frankish jugs '.

Only few years later one demonstrated with a removal the "meaning of the handicraft, that in the new realm again on the soil to genuinely German organization art, freely from trash and Kitsch" pleases is (Jungbluth 1993, 358) and one showed "in ingenious form history and the meaning of the handicraft. The Potter handwork took special area, that in our area a large part of the population nourished." (Jungbluth 1993, 359) the speech is from a marching-up of the handicraft in Montabaur - in the year 1933!

All ideas, which publicized the building house after the First World War, were already assumed in the work federation, one regard only the argument between ago man Muthesius and Henry van de Velde on the Cologne work federation exhibition of 1914. An important role played castle Giebichenstein and those there resident resounding ash college of arts and crafts. It concerned classification, industrial standard, maschinenan-wendung and objectification of the form. No miracle that Paul Dressler or Theodor Bogler considered the turning grooves of the hand legitimate as only decoration. 1924 on the Stuttgart work federation exhibition went it around the pure form - to form without ornamentation. The pivoting and casting process, how it was among other things already for a long time used at the historistischen mass-produced goods by Duemmler and Breiden, by Merkelbach and Wick or also Hanke, should hold finally also into the modern trend introduction. Theodor Bogler developed four variants of a teekanne serially which can be manufactured, something similar in its ' laboratory for industrial design ' on the thorn castle succeeded to Hedwig Bollhagen.

Thus a handicraft changed itself! The end of the 20's arisen ' Neuwesterwald ' can be understood, based on this 1920 development begun, e.g. the building house only as romantic-nostalgic retreat maneuver.

 

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NACHBEMERKUNG

With descriptions of objects, their ornaments and glazes, of fuel techniques, furnaces and Potterscheiben only in connection with product economic situations one dealt. The small exhibition of the group of students is to give an idea of the training activity of the Freiburger to university. Volkskundler have still always relatively good career opportunities in the museum and medium range - if they can develop during the study an interest in practical conversions and test practically. With this motivation participants of the excursion ions and the seminar had the idea over the Westerwaelder ceramic(s) to a spontaneous exhibition. The text developed as joint venture work of the group of exhibitions, partly on the basis of the seminar work. Many of the objects were found or bought by us during the two excursion ions in the summer 1996 in the can baker country. We got most things with operating and collection inspections given. Special support experienced the group of exhibitions by the company of pure Helfrich (nonfreezing garden ceramic(s), Rans brook). It put the mobile drying rack and the drying boards (' Dill ') to us at the disposal. We visited among other things the largest Bierseidelfabrik Europe, (company Gerz, Sessenbach; Casting process, screen printing, robot etc.), the European drinking container collection - collection racing valley (Uwe Finke), the ceramic(s) museum Westerwald, German collection for historical and contemporary ceramic(s), Hoehr Grenzhausen (visitor pottery, course by the magazines and workshops), the "museum in the can furnace" (family Peltner), the clay mining museum Siershahn (private museum, visitor-mad must be closed, there the tongrube it too close comes next door), the company Klauer and Soehne (whistles and Schiessbudenartikel), the company Helfrich (former tube mill, among other things with clay elevator to under the roof, downward-working tube press - still in service for the planting bowl production, pivoting technology), finally tongruben, a pit, Sayner hut, gemeindliche tourism officials, the federal state museum Koblenz (among other things pumice dismantling) and the house of history in Bonn.

Thanks goes to the group of exhibitions (Markus Kroell, Martina Ochs, Marica Roso, Uli Voigt). Much time was applied and read by you much: voluntarily, spontaneously and in term holidays! Thanks to also helpful Freiburger colleague, Uwe Finke and Margret living applies to critical reading.

"The cultures become detached each other and are not similarly" say Paul Veyne in its writing "believed the Greeks their myths?". We regard "the whole of the creations of the past as [... ] fantasies, and likewise we consider pre laeufigerweise only the last conditions of the research true. That is culture." (Veyne 1987, 9/10)

-- Freiburg in mash gau, in September 1996 Andreas Kuntz

 

Source (German):

www.unibas.ch/folklore/volo/berichte/kuntz.html

 

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